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مذاکرهباکسانیکهدرلیستسیاهشورایامنیتسازمانمللمتحدقراردارند،غیرممکناست

سلطاناحمدبهینسخنگویوزارتخارجهکشورامروزطییککنفرانسمطبوعاتیدرکابل،گزارشخبرگزاریپژواکمبنیبرپذیرشصلحباحزباسلامیحمکتیاررانادرستخوانده،گفت:وزیرخارجهکشورمذاکرهباحکمتیاروهرفرددیگریکهدرلیستسیاهشورایامنیتسازمانمللمتحدباشدراغیرممکنمیخواند.

خبرگزاریپژواکبهنقلازداکتررنگیندادفراسپنتاوزیرخارجهکشورگزارشیرانشرکردهبودکهدولتافغانستانبرایپذیرشحکمتیارآمادهاستونبایدیکشخصهمیشهدرلیستسیاهقرارداشتهباشدوگلبدینحکمتیاراگربخواهدباحکومتیکجاشود،حکومتحاضربهپذیرشاوست.

Rahman baba - Dost wa DushmanPukhtana

Ze rahman la cha shikwa shikayat ne kram, nishtei bal dost wa dushman zema bei ta!

I Rahman have no complaints or criticisims with anyone, neither friend or foe have i besides you.

Pashto Poetry Rahman Baba - tanhaPukhtanaeye-crying

Khudaya dasey tanha na kei souk pe gham kei, laka ze da yaar pe gham kei yum tanha!

Lord, do not make anyone lonely in sorrow like i am alone in grief for my beloved!

Na ba ma ghundei shaheed wi pe jahan kei, ne ba ta ghundei dilbar shi bal paida!

Never will there be on earth a martyr like me, nor a beloved like you be found!

Pashto TV Programmes in the UK: KBC, Venus and DM DigitalPukhtana

Finally there are programmes on UK tv that are in PASHTO. Umbarakshai tol UK pukhtanu ta!

Anyways the most popular ones are the ones on KBC presented by someone i know, Javed Iqbal (Uncle) Yusufzai lol. He is the big up drun looking pukhtun dude with the sadar and wascat ( waiscoat) and beard and tash and he wears samey kaprei… that is usually on Mondays around 10.30pm though last night they had some “young generation” ( he was wearing a hoodie) Afghani pukhtun dude presenting the show.

I thought was an excellent idea as to be honest it is about time pukhtuns united as simply pukhtuns and i sadly know too many Pukhtuns from Pak sides that consider Afghan pukhtuns inferior, and vice versa and that really upsets me. It seems that the durand line has worked. Yeah i know there are good and bad everywhere but really is about time we just all referred to each other as Pukhtuns, full stop.

Actually on saying that someone did call up this young generation dude last night, and i think the caller was from his locality so the presenter said “wrura da charta na yei, sta pukhtu rabandei dheera khewaga olageyda” the caller replied saying……… “wrura tola pukhtu khewaga da” and there i was thinking - “shaba nara!”

Back to the point……

- Show presented by the young Afghani pukhtun dude - Mondays 10.30pm channel 863- KBC on SKY satellite

- Show presented by Javed Iqbal (Uncle) - Thursdays and repeats as well will confirm timings….. channel 863- KBC on SKY satellite

- The (in)famous Tang Takor on DM Digital - sky satellite - Sundays 9.30am

- Finally the one with the (pretty) lady presenter on DM digital on Saturdays 8 or 9pm- sky satellite
Comments i have heard about this show - “da khu pukhtaneh ne da, sar toora nasta da, pe show kei khalqu ta masali kai ow pakhpala sar toora da” lol - typical pukhtun comments!

Descriptive Writing: Deserted BeachPukhtanathe-beachImage Hosted by ImageShack.us

I was reading my sisters english homework, in which she had to write descriptive piece, i loved it and so have pasted it up here……

The sea was calm.
There was no ship in sight, and the seagulls were motionless upon its even greyness.
The sky was dark with lowering clouds, but there was no wind.
The line of the horizon was clear and fragile.
The gritted beach, no less deserted, was thick with tangled seaweed, and the infinite shells crushed under the feet that trod them.
The break-waters, which sought to prevent the continous violation of the waves were rotten with age & green with the sea-slime.
It was a deserted scene but there was restfulness in its melancholy ;
and the great silence, the sophisticated dullness of colour, might have given peace to a heart that was troubled.

Office PoliticsPukhtana

I started a new job a few months ago, along with some other “new recruits” well 9 other colleagues, so far 1 left after 1 week, me and another colleague got put into a specific department and the others got assigned to different departments as well.

During the last few months I have been concentrating on just doing my job the best as I can, and fortunately have got 2 brilliant line managers who have afforded me great opportunities in the little time i have been there.

I’ve been actively taking part in office life and so ended up concentrating on working and getting to know almost all the staff in my own department as well as the staff and managers in the other departments and most importantly our most senior manger knows me as well now as i got the chance to work alongside him.

The problem is this………the other new recruits all go to lunch together, including the colleague from my section, some of the louder ones will sit and just moan about their work and how they hate it, and bitch about certain managers/colleagues and I don’t really wish to hear that, and would rather spend my lunch hour doing something more worthwhile, which in my case being a muslim, is to pray my Namaaz ( daily prayers).

They constantly tease me that i don’t spend time with them, and mockingly suggest that i should “say a prayer” for them too, when they see me go by and the one that constantly says that is supposed to be a devout Christian!

So recently one of the nicer ones, has found a job elsewhere, and they were holding a little get together to say bye to her, and apparently they emailed everyone to say where the farewell do will be held, i only found this out today, after she had left.

Apparently one of my colleagues was like - “oh didnt u get the email?” and i’m like “no?!” and he is like “really well so and so said she will email everyone, maybe she forgot to add you to the list” and im like “oh, ok.” Then he added “well your always too busy hanging out with the posh people, and the managers to bother with us common people.”

Thats when i clocked on, i have to either please them, or just continue what i am doing which may seem selfish and snobbish, which i don’t think i am at all, i am just trying to do what is best for me, and doesnt seem to bother 300 other colleagues nor my managers.

Canary WharfPukhtanacanary-wharf

A shot i took a few months ago from my roof terrace of Canary wharf, citigroup and HSBC tower in central London.

Microsoft and Google announce OpenID support

This is a historic week for OpenID. Google and Microsoft announced the release of code to support OpenID 2.0 across their most important properties. On Monday, Microsoft, announced OpenID 2.0 support for their 460 million users on the LiveID platform. On Wednesday Google said it will be supporting OpenID 2.0 for any user that has a Google account. Both of these deployments are great news for the OpenID community and the Internet at large. It can be safely said that within the coming months, every single user on the Internet will have an OpenID.

There was some discussion from a few people yesterday claiming that Google’s implementation was a fork of OpenID. Today, Eric Sachs, Google’s lead on this effort, has another post responding to some of this early criticism:

That registration requirement also led to some confusion because users wanted to be able to use existing websites that accept OpenID 2.0 compliant logins by simply entering gmail.com (or in some cases their E-mail address) into the login boxes on those websites. … Once the XRDS file is live, end-users should be able to use the service by typing gmail.com in the OpenID field of any login box that supports OpenID 2.0, similar to how Yahoo users can type yahoo.com or their Yahoo E-mail address (In the meantime, if you feel really geeky, you can type https://www.google.com/accounts/o8/id into an OpenID 2.0 login box).

Although these are both considered “preview releases” by both companies, the fact that they have put code out there that developers can start to work with is absolutely fantastic. Both Google and Microsoft have stated that these are testing implementations and as such, their may be certain limitations while they work on localization, scaling and general UI.

Mike Jones talks about some of the details of the Microsoft LiveID testing:

One feature of the OpenID 2.0 implementation that I?d like to call your attention to is that they give users a choice, on a per-relying party basis, whether to use a site-specific OpenID URL at the site for privacy reasons, or whether to use a public identifier for yourself ? explicitly enabling correlation of your identity interactions on different sites.

We also have an episode of theSocialWeb.tv where we have Eric Sachs from Google talking about this historic week with David Recordon, Joseph Smarr and John McCrea:

Afghan School Project, Yuk Yuk?s to host?You Laugh, They Learn?comedy show to benefit Afghan-Canadia

The Afghan School Project and Yuk Yuk’s Comedy Clubs will be hosting a comedy show in Ottawa on November 13th to benefit the Afghan-Canadian Community Center.

The comedians performing are Derek Seguin, Ryan Denee and Kwasi Thomas. The show will be held at The Prescott, at 379 Preston Street. Doors open at 7:00 pm, and the show will start at 8:00 pm.

Tickets cost $12, and can be ordered from staff@theafghanschool.org or purchased at the door. To RSVP on facebook, please click here. We hope to see you there!

Arbeid mot menneskehandel viser resultater

Gjennom et partnerskap med den Norske Ambassaden har Kirkens NÃ¸dhjelp fÃ¥tt stÃ¸tte til Ã¥ gjennomfÃ¸re en studie for Ã¥ dokumentere omfang og utbredelse av menneskehandel i Malawi.

Presidenten i Mali pÃ¥ besÃ¸k

Onsdag 22. oktober besÃ¸kte president Amadou Toumani TourÃ© fra Mali Kirkens NÃ¸dhjelp, og gratulerte organisasjonen med den store satsingen som organisasjonen gjÃ¸r i Nord-Mali.

Enige om gjeldsuttalelse

Politikere, forskere, kirkeledere og organisasjonsfolk ble i dag enige om 14 politiske tiltak mot illegitim gjeld. Kirkens NÃ¸dhjelp er svÃ¦rt fornÃ¸yd.

PAPE Specification Review Period Commencing

The OpenID Provider Authentication Policy Extension (PAPE) Working Group recommends approval of PAPE Draft 7 as an OpenID Specification. The draft is available at these locations:

http://openid.net/specs/openid-provider-authentication-policy-extension-1_0-07.html

http://openid.net/specs/openid-provider-authentication-policy-extension-1_0-07.txt

This note starts the 60 day public review period for the specification draft in accordance with the OpenID Foundation IPR policies and procedures. This review period will end on Sunday, December 21st. Unless issues are identified during the review that the working group believes must be addressed by revising the draft, this review period will be followed by a seven day voting period during which OpenID Foundation members will vote on whether to approve this draft as an OpenID Specification.

As background, the proposal to create the working group, which the membership approved, is available at http://openid.net/pipermail/specs/2008-May/002323.html. The specifications council report on the creation of the working group is available at http://openid.net/pipermail/specs/2008-May/002326.html.

The First OpenID User Experience Summit

As OpenID continues to gain momentum, over the past few weeks both Google and Yahoo! have released the results of usability studies they’ve done around OpenID and digital identity systems in general. Google released their Usability Research on Federated Login looking at how to create user experiences that mainstream users can understand when using one account to login to other websites while Yahoo!’s OpenID Reasearch focused much more on how their own users are able (or not yet able) to understand what OpenID is and how they can use it. While at first glance this might seem troubling, instead it is actually one of the steps in the natural evolution of seeing a technology start to go from intriguing the early adopters to working on crossing the chasm to mainstream usage.

Yesterday at Yahoo!’s campus in California, nearly forty people from the OpenID community came together for a day to discuss the usability and user experience of OpenID and OAuth. Presentations were shared by Facebook about their experience developing Connect, MySpace explained how they’re combining OpenID and OAuth, Yahoo! around how they’re evolving their own OpenID Provider in response to their research, Magnolia shared how they’ve been using OpenID to help reduce spam, Google with their study on federated login user interfaces, and Plaxo wrapping up the day with how they’re looking at OpenID as a piece of a larger “open stack” for the Web. Lots of interesting presentations, analysis, and ways to move forward to help improve the usability of OpenID and OAuth came out of the day.

John McCrea has the play by play if you’re wanting to read more about what happened during the day, but I’m excited to see the sheer number of people and companies from various backgrounds (even those who compete with one another) collectively working to help improve OpenID and build a better Web.

Forbedrer Malawis helsesektor

Torsdag 9. oktober var en viktig dag for 620 ferdigutdannede studenter og deres familier fra ni sykepleierhÃ¸gskoler som Kirkens NÃ¸dhjelp samarbeider med i Malawi.

A mad scramble over Afghanistan

By M K Bhadrakumar Asia Times Online October 15, 2008
An impression is being created that there is a "rift" between the United States and Britain regarding the reconciliation track involving the Taliban. The plain truth is that the US, Britain, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan are in this murky game together.

The essence of the game is to make the "war on terror" in Afghanistan more efficient and cost-effective. Surely, it is official American thinking that there has to be some form of reconciliation with the Taliban. US Defense Secretary Robert Gates admitted as much last week. He said, "There has to be ultimately, and I'll underscore ultimately, reconciliation as part of the political outcome to this [war]. That's ultimately the exit strategy for all of us." (Emphasis added)

When you repeat a word thrice in five seconds, it does register. Gates suggested he wasn't hinting at all about an "exit strategy". Indeed, at an informal meeting of the defense ministers of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) last week in Budapest, Hungary, the alliance visualized a long haul in Afghanistan.

Taliban reconciliation

Any reconciliation with the Taliban would essentially be in the nature of picking up the threads from October 2001 when the US invaded Afghanistan and toppled the Taliban regime.

Taliban leader Mullah Omar promised at the 11th hour in those fateful days from his hideout in Kandahar via Pakistani intermediaries - that, yes, he would verifiably sequester his movement from al-Qaeda and ask Osama bin Laden to leave Afghan soil, provided the US acceded to his longstanding request to accord recognition to his regime in Kabul rather than engage it selectively. The US administration ignored the cleric's offer and instead pressed ahead with the plan to launch a "war on terror".

What we may expect in the period ahead is a deal whereby the "good" Taliban profess disengagement from al-Qaeda, which the US and its allies will graciously accept, and, in turn, the "good" Taliban won't insist on the withdrawal of Western forces as a pre-condition. The Saudis will ably lubricate such a deal.

The sheer "unaffordability" of an open-ended war in Afghanistan will influence thinking in Washington if the crisis in the US economy deepens. But we are still some way from that threshold. The war should be "affordable" if the new head of US Central Command, General David Petraeus, can somehow make it more "efficient", which is what he did in Iraq. Presently, American politicians only speak about robustly conducting the war.

They are nowhere near framing the fundamental issue: How central is the Afghan war to the global struggle against terrorism? The answer is crystal clear. Afghanistan has very little to do with the basic national interests of the United States. Political violence in Afghanistan is primarily rooted in local issues, and "warlordism" is an ancient trait. That is to say, the Taliban can be made part of the solution.

Ultimately, the objectives of nation-building and legitimate governance in an environment of overall security that allows economic activities and development can only be realized by accommodating native priorities and interests. Washington has been far too prescriptive, creating a US-style presidential system in Kabul and then controlling it.

But such a regime will never command respect among Afghans. Deploying more NATO troops or creating an Afghan army is not the answer. The international community has prudently chosen not to challenge the legitimacy of the Hamid Karzai regime, but there is a crisis of leadership. Inter-Afghan dialogue is urgently needed. The Afghans must be allowed to regenerate their traditional methods of contestation of power in their cultural context and to negotiate their cohabitation in their tribal context.

Again, the US has been proven wrong in believing that imperialism could trump nationalism. On the contrary, prolonged foreign occupation has triggered a backlash. The war should never have escalated beyond what it ought to have been - a low-intensity fratricidal strife, which has been a recurring feature of Afghan history. In other words, a solution to the conflict has to be primarily inter-Afghan, leading to a broad-based government free of foreign influence, where the international community can be a facilitator and guarantor.

Russia lashes out

But what clouds judgment is the geopolitics of the war. The war provided a context for the establishment of a US military presence in Central Asia; NATO's first-ever "out of area" operation; a turf which overlooks the two South Asian nuclear weapon states of India and Pakistan, Iran and China's restive Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region; a useful toehold on a potential transportation route for Caspian energy bypassing Russia and Iran, etc. The situation around Iran; the US's "Great Central Asia" policy and containment strategy towards Russia; NATO's expansion - these have become added factors. Surely, geopolitical considerations lie embedded even within the current attempt to revive the Saudi mediatory role.

The interplay of these various geopolitical factors has made the war opaque. Major regional powers - Russia, Iran and India - do not see the US or NATO contemplating a pullout from Afghanistan in the foreseeable future. Tehran has been alleging that the US strategy in Afghanistan is essentially to perpetuate its military presence.

As a result, Russian statements regarding the US role in Afghanistan have become highly critical. Moscow seems to have assessed that the US-led war is getting nowhere and blame-game had begun. More important, Russia has began to pinpoint the US's "unilateralism" in Afghanistan.

In a major speech recently regarding European security at the World Policy Conference in Evian, France, President Dmitry Medvedev made a pointed reference, saying, "After the overthrow of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, the United States started a chapter of unilateral actions ..." He was making a point that the "United States' desire to consolidate its global role" is unrealizable in a multipolar world.

For the first time in the seven years of the war, the Russian foreign minister utilized the annual United Nations General Assembly forum to launch a broadside against the US, on September 27. Sergei Lavrov said:

"More and more questions are being raised as to what is going on in Afghanistan. First and foremost, what is the acceptable price for losses among civilians in the ongoing anti-terrorist operation? Who decides on criteria for determining the proportionality of the use of force?

These and other factors give reasons to believe that the anti-terrorism coalition is in the face of crisis. Looking at the core of the problem, it seems that this coalition lacks collective arrangements - ie equality among all its members in decision-making on the strategy and, especially, operational tactics. It so happens that in order to control a totally new situation as it evolved after 9/11, instead of the required genuine cooperative effort, including a joint analysis and coordination of practical steps, the mechanisms designed for a unipolar world started to be used, where all decisions were to be taken in a single center while the rest were merely to follow. The solidarity of the international community fostered on the wave of struggle against terrorism turned out to be somehow 'privatized'. "

These unusually sharp words underline the dissipation of the regional consensus over the war. Later, on September 28, at a press conference in the UN headquarters, Lavrov alleged that in a spirit of "prejudiced bias", the US was blocking the Moscow-led Collective Security Treaty Organization from helping to stabilize Afghanistan.

He also implied that the US vainly tried to block any reference to countering drug trafficking in the latest UN Security Council resolution on Afghanistan so as to deny Russia a role. He said, "Not quite full consideration is given to the assessments and the analyses of all members of the world community when making very important decisions which later tell on the situation of all."

A spat has since erupted over a UN-NATO cooperation agreement relating to the Afghan war allegedly signed "secretly" by a pliant secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, and his NATO counterpart, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer. on September 23 in New York. Russia has threatened to raise the matter in the UN Security Council. To quote Lavrov, "We [Russia] asked both [the UN and NATO] secretariats what this could mean and we are waiting for a reply, but we warned the UN leadership in the strictest fashion that things of this kind must be done without keeping secrets from member states and on the basis of powers and authority held by the secretariats."

Russian envoy to NATO Dmitry Rogozin said on Wednesday that Moscow would consider the Ban-Scheffer agreement "illegitimate", and as merely reflecting Ban's "personal opinion". As can be expected, Ban is keeping mum, while Scheffer contested the Russian allegation. Indeed, cracks are appearing in the US-Russia understanding over the anti-terrorism campaign in Afghanistan. A turf war is ensuing - Washington is determined to exclude Russia from Afghanistan and Moscow insisting on its legitimate role.

Iranian posturing

Similarly, Tehran also has raised the ante on Afghanistan. After having supported the US intervention in Afghanistan in 2001, in the recent period several statements highly critical of the US-led war in Afghanistan have appeared, attributed to the Iranian leadership. The latest high-profile statement was the criticism by the chairman of the Expediency Council, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, at a meeting with the visiting former UN secretary general Kofi Annan, where he lamented that the "occupiers" who created "insecurity" in Afghanistan and Pakistan were now "unable to rein it in".

More ominously, Tehran has invited former Afghan president Burhanuddin Rabbani, who led the anti-Taliban coalition (Northern Alliance) in the 1990s to visit Iran. Receiving him in Tehran on

Sunday, the speaker of the Iranian parliament, (Majlis) Ali Larijani, told Rabbani, "The situation in Afghanistan is sorrowful and regrettable." He said the presence of foreign forces is creating "insecurity" in the loss of innocent lives and is causing rampant drug-trafficking.

In another statement in the Majlis two days earlier, Larijani condemned the US attacks on the Pakistani tribal areas in Waziristan. This was the first time an Iranian leader specifically took exception to the US military operations inside Pakistani territory. He said Iran was concerned about the extent of the devastation and the death toll in Waziristan and that the US had exceeded the limits of the Geneva Convention in fighting terrorism. "Every single day, civilians are falling victim to the US-led fight against terrorism," he said, adding the US was "destroying" Waziristan under the "pretext of fighting terrorism".

Most significantly, Tehran has broken its silence on the US-British-Saudi efforts to negotiate reconciliation with the Taliban. This has come, curiously enough, in the form of a statement by the powerful chairman of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Commission, Alaeddin Broujerdi. Long-time observers of the Afghan scene would recognize Broujerdi as the principal designer and architect of the Northern Alliance and a key strategist of the anti-Taliban resistance in the 1996-98 period.

Conceivably, Tehran has dropped a meaningful hint by fielding Broujerdi to speak on the Western efforts to reconcile with the Taliban. Broujerdi firmly repudiated the recent US propaganda that Tehran was mellowing toward the Taliban. Talking to a visiting French parliamentary delegation led by Socialist leader Jean-Louis Bianco on Sunday, Broujerdi underlined Tehran's continued opposition to the Taliban. He sharply criticized the European countries for adopting a conciliatory attitude towards the Taliban. He counseled them that instead they ought to extend unequivocal support to the "popular government" in Kabul led by Karzai.

Broujerdi pointed out that the West's attitude and approach toward the Taliban, which is an extremist group, will "damage regional stability and security". He said the root problem is the continued presence of foreign forces and a settlement will be possible only with their withdrawal.

Broujerdi may have signaled that Iran will challenge and counter any Western attempt to invite the Saudis to return to the Afghan chessboard and to co-opt the Taliban so as to perpetuate the US and NATO military presence. We may deduce that the scheduling of Rabbani's visit to Tehran is intended to signal that Iran still has reserves of influence with the Northern Alliance groups, despite the US estimation that these anti-Taliban groups have been scattered or bought over by Western intelligence.

Rabbani seems to have risen to the occasion. He also lent his voice condemning the continued presence of foreign forces on Afghan soil. "At first, they [Western forces] entered Afghanistan with the slogan that they would establish security and fight terrorism and drugs, but now Afghans are witnessing an escalation of terrorism and an increased production of narcotics," the inscrutable mujahideen leader told Larijani.

What was perplexing was Rabbani's remark, "The only solution to the Afghan crisis lies in the creation of unity among all national and jihadi [read mujahideen] forces in the country and the establishment of national reconciliation among all tribes without ethnic, tribal and religious prejudice." This was also the proclaimed political platform of the Northern Alliance. To be sure, Iran will oppose any ploy by US and British intelligence to resurrect the paradigm of the 1990s to put the Taliban in power so as to "pacify" Afghanistan and to create a modicum of stability necessary for the development of transportation routes for Caspian energy.

At a time when the fabulous Kashagan oil fields in Kazakhstan are expected to come on stream in 2013, when Washington hopes to reverse the tide of Russia-Turkmenistan energy cooperation, when volatility in the southern Caucasus impedes the advancement of new trans-Caspian pipelines, then, Afghanistan bounces back as the most realistic and viable evacuation route for Caspian energy bypassing Russia and Iran - provided the ground situation could be stabilized and security provided which investors and oil companies would find reassuring.

Indian dilemma

Both Russia and Iran will be keenly watching how India, which was a soul mate in the late 1990s staunchly supporting the anti-Taliban alliance, reacts to the current US-British-Saudi move. Indian leaders never tired of underscoring that there was nothing called "good Taliban" and "bad Taliban". That was up until a year ago. However, there is bound to be uneasiness in both Moscow and Tehran as to where exactly Delhi stands at the present juncture in the geopolitics of the region.

One thing is clear: a US-sponsored oil/gas pipeline via Afghanistan suits India, though that may undercut Russia and Iran in the energy sweepstakes.

From all accounts, discussions were going on between the security establishments of India and the US for the past several months regarding an Indian military involvement in Afghanistan. Washington has been pressing for a major Indian role. A two-member Indian team, which visited Kabul in early September, claimed they were on a mission sponsored by the government to make an assessment of the layout for Indian military involvement. The team apparently held discussions with top American diplomats and military officials based in Kabul.

Evidently, Delhi was clueless regarding Saudi King Abdullah's secret mediation with the Taliban. This intelligence failure had to happen. Indian diplomats have been somewhat smug about the unprecedented influence they wielded with the Kabul regime, and as happens in heady times, they began blandly assuming the durability of the present Afghan setup.

They worked shoulder-to-shoulder with their US counterparts in Kabul and American thinking inevitably began coloring Delhi's perceptions. It seems the intellectual osmosis ultimately became one-sided. Under constant US encouragement, the inebriating idea of a major military role in Afghanistan and playing the "great game" crept into the Indian calculus. Delhi seems to have incrementally lost touch with the Afghan bazaar and ground realities.

The US-British-Saudi plan to accommodate the Taliban in the power structure in Kabul creates a dilemma for Indian policymakers. To do an about-turn and begin to distinguish "good" Taliban is ridiculous. It will be seen as kow-towing to the US and will be difficult to rationalize. The antipathy towards the Taliban runs deep in the Indian mindset, since no matter the actual character of the Taliban's "Islamism", a threat perception gained ground in Indian opinion regarding "Islamic terror" from Afghanistan. The Indian establishment unwittingly contributed to this by harping on the ubiquitous "foreign hand" in terrorist activities in India. A rollback of the thesis will take time.

Furthermore, India views that the Taliban as an instrument of policy for Pakistani intelligence and as detrimental to Indian regional security interests. All in all, Delhi will feel greatly relieved if the US abandons its plan to co-opt the "good" Taliban.

In the above scenario, both Tehran and Moscow will be looking forward to foreign minister-level consultations with Delhi in the coming weeks. Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee is scheduled to visit Tehran in early November. Again, in November, in the run-up to the year-end visit by President Dmitriy Medvedev to India, Lavrov and Prime Minister Vadimir Putin will have consultations in Delhi.

The geopolitical reality, however, is that all three countries have transformed in recent years and their foreign policy priorities and orientations have also changed. They relate today to US hegemony in Afghanistan from dissimilar perspectives of national interests.

Ambassador M K Bhadrakumar was a career diplomat in the Indian Foreign Service. His assignments included the Soviet Union, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Germany, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Kuwait and Turkey.